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The Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP) (Arabic: الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي, transliterated: Al-Ḥizb Al-Sūrī Al-Qawmī Al-'Ijtimā'ī, often referred to in French as Parti populaire syrien or Parti social nationaliste syrien), is a nationalist political party operating in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, and Palestine. It advocates the establishment of a Syrian nation state spanning the Fertile Crescent, including present day Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Kuwait, Jordan, Israel, Palestine, Cyprus, Sinai, southeastern Turkey and southwestern Iran, based on geographical boundaries and the common history people within the boundaries share. With over 100,000 members, it is the second largest legal political group in Syria after the ruling Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, In Lebanon, it was a part of the March 8 Alliance.
Founded in Beirut in 1932 as an anticolonial and national liberation organization hostile to French colonialism, the party played a significant role in Lebanese politics and was involved in attempted coup d'etats in 1949 and 1961 following which it was thoroughly repressed. It was active in resistance against the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the subsequent occupation of southern Lebanon until 2000 while continuously supporting the Syrian presence in Lebanon. In Syria, the SSNP became a major political force in the early 1950s, but was thoroughly repressed in 1955. It remained organised, and in 2005 was legalised and joined the Ba'ath Party-led National Progressive Front. From 2012 to 6 May 2014, the party was part of the Popular Front for Change and Liberation.
BackgroundPrior to its foundation, the creed of the SSNP, namely Syrian nationalism, had been developing since the mid-19th century, with the advent of the Tanzimat during the late Ottoman Era, through which, the Ottoman Empire sought to rescue its failing status on the international scene by attempting to transform itself from imperial dominion to national constitutional monarchy, under which subjects would become citizens bestowed upon personal freedoms that are characteristic of the general mood of the 19th century, and which reflect the ideological transfer that existed between 19th century Europe and the Ottoman East, particularly personal freedoms such as religious freedom and secularism. In the 19th century, profound economic changes had struck the Arab world, mostly relegating it to a periphery of an increasingly industrialized and assertive Europe. These changes put the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II, and the Ottoman ruling elite under great pressure to modernize the increasingly declining Ottoman Empire, as with these economic and social changes, intellectual and ideological influences generated from Europe and from the legacy of the French Revolution started permeating into the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire.
It is within this context that a new group of thinkers of the Arabic Literary Renaissance, the Nahda flourished. They addressed key social issues such as the role of nationalism and religion in society, often providing a critical account of the present order of things. Among these thinkers figured Butrus al-Bustani, one of the first to assert the existence of a nation, Natural Syria, that is Arab in essence yet distinct by history and geography, and that should nevertheless materialize under a reformed Ottoman Empire.
Another historian and thinker of his time, Henri Lammens, the Belgian Jesuit scholar who was ordained priest in Beirut in 1893. It was not long before Lammens became acquainted with the intellectual upheavals that were taking place in the Arab provinces of the Empire after the Tanzimat, whereas conservative elements of the Ottoman Empire were wrestling against Arab and Turkish thinkers who would soon usher a new era in the history of the Levant - the Young Turks and the Second Constitutional Era. During this time, Lammens interacted with his milieu and came to endorse the doctrines of al-Bustani, becoming even more passionate about the existence of a distinct Syrian nation that is bound to emerge from the bosom of the Ottoman Empire. According to Henri Lammens, Greater Syria is a national entity bound with geographical characteristics and historical foundations, lying between the Arab peninsula, Egypt and the Levantine corridor, and the Taurus Mountains, encompassing all the cultural elements within the Fertile Crescent since ancient times.
(..............) The SSNP was founded by Antun Saadeh, a Lebanese Syrian nationalist philosopher from a Greek Orthodox family in the town of Dhour el Shweir. (...........) While the Kataeb was committed to the notion of Lebanon as a nation state defined as an entity presiding over the borders outlined first by the Sykes-Picot agreement in 1916, and afterwards by the French administrative division of its mandate into six states including the state of Greater Lebanon, and had espoused a strong bond between the nation and the church as well as outright social ultraconservatism, the SSNP rejected these national claim on the basis that the borders outlining the newly created states were fictitious, resulting from colonialism, and do not reflect any historical and social realities. The party claimed that Greater Syria as defined by Saadeh represents the national ideal encompassing the historical people of Mesopotamia and the Fertile Crescent, bound together by a clearly defined geography and a common historical, social and cultural development path away from all sectarianism  Furthermore, and with the start of the Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948, Saadeh radicalized the party's Anti-Zionist stance by declaring that "Our struggle with the enemy is not a struggle for borders but for existence."................"
It comes in my mind how the Syrian Nationalism of SSNP and the pan-Arabism of Ba'ath Party soon were used as Troy Horse by the ALAWITES. Probably this was the reason for which the Iraki Ba'ath Party divided from the Syrian one. It happened in 1966 after the ALAWI coup within the Syrian Ba'ath party:
"While it took some years, the 1966 coup resulted in the creation of two competing National Command, one Syrian-dominated and another Iraqi-dominated. However, both in Iraq and Syria, the Regional Command became the real centre of party power, and the membership of the National Command became a largely honorary position, often the destination of figures being eased out of the leadership. A consequence of the split was that Zaki al-Arsuzi took Aflaq's place as the official father of Ba'athist thought in the pro-Syrian Ba'ath movement, while the pro-Iraqi Ba'ath movement still considered Aflaq the de jure father of Ba'athist thought."Guess what.... Zakī al-Arsūzī was ALAWI.
Well, this Alawi group who became the dictatorship of Ba'aht Party and Syria, did act alone or was working aided by another entity?
Remember that ....:
THE RELIGIOUS GROUP OF BASHAR AL-ASSAD:
"A succession of coups ensued until, in 1963, a secretive military committee (including Alawite officers Hafez al-Assad and Salah Jadid) helped the Ba'ath Party seize power. In 1966 Alawite-affiliated military officers successfully rebelled and expelled the Ba’ath Party old guard followers of Greek Orthodox Christian Michel Aflaq and Sunni Muslim Salah ad-Din al-Bitar, calling Zaki al-Arsuzi the "Socrates" of the reconstituted Ba'ath Party.
"Jadid was born in 1926 in the village of Dweir Baabda, near the coastal city of Jableh, which in turn was close to Lattakia, to an Alawite family. However, there is another report stating his birth year as 1924. He studied at the Homs Military Academy, and entered the Syrian Army in 1946. Jadid was originally a member of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), but later became a member of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, led by Michel Aflaq and Salah al-Din al-Bitar, in the 1950s through an associate of Akram al-Hawrani. Even so, Jadid remained close to the SNPP; his brother, Ghassan, was one of its most prominent members in Syria. He changed allegiance again in the 1950s, when he became a member of the Arab Nationalist Movement, a party supporting Gamal Abdel Nasser's ideological beliefs. Jadid supported Syria's ascension into the United Arab Republic (UAR), a union republic consisting of Egypt and Syria."
While Jadid remained away from public view, as second secretary of the Ba'ath Party, men allied to him filled the top posts in state and army: Nureddin al-Atassi, as party chairman, state president and later prime minister; Yousuf Zouayyen, as prime minister; Ibrahim Makhous as foreign minister, Hafez al-Assad as defense minister; Abd al-Karim al-Jundi, as security chief. Many of these men were Alawis (e.g. all of the above except Atassi, Jundi, and Zouayyen, who were Sunni), giving the government a sectarian character. Several were military men, and all belonged on the Ba'ath Party's left wing.
Under Jadid's rule, Syria aligned itself with the Soviet bloc and pursued hardline policies towards Israel and "reactionary" Arab states especially Saudi Arabia, calling for the mobilization of a "people's war" against Zionism rather than inter-Arab military alliances....".
Because Zionism was the true secret target or.... because Zionism was an alibi to justify the betrayal of the old pan-Arab goals of the movement?
Alawis or Nosayris:
"...NOṢAYRIS, followers of Nusayrism, a syncretistic religion with close affinity to Shiʿism, whose adherents live mostly in Syria and southeastern Turkey. In Syria, they constitute the country’s largest minority, numbering more than one million (i.e., about 12 percent of the population). They live chiefly in the mountainous areas of Latakia (Lāḏeqiya), known as Jabal al-anṣāriya, today commonly called Jabal al-ʿAlawiyin “the Alawite Mountains,” on the country’s northwest coast, where they represent close to two-thirds of the populace.
The origins of the Noṣayri religion remain obscure. Some claim it began as a Shiʿite faction that emerged in Iraq during the 9th century (see, e.g., Halm, 1982, pp. 282–83). A counter-argument, current at the beginning of the 20th century, posits that the Noṣayris represent the pagan vestiges of an ancient cult of idol-worship. This cult was identified by Dussaud (pp. 17 ff.), among others, as being of Canaanite or Phoenician origin. According to this theory, the Noṣayris adopted motifs from the successive monotheistic religions that appeared in their region: first Christianity, followed by Islam. To support this theory, its advocates sought to identify the Noṣayris, on the basis of a resemblance in name or doctrine, with other religious groups. Among alternative opinions put forward on the subject is the suggestion that the Noṣayris were successors to the Nazarenes mentioned by Pliny the Elder in his Historia Naturalis (5.81; Dussaud, pp. 14 and 17, note 3). Henri Lammens (1901), on the other hand, regarded Nusayrism as a unique offshoot of ancient Christianity....".
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