EDITED POST 20 April 2015 ---> Shoebat's Jesuitical Provokatsiya/Stasi Zersetzung aimed to my (and Stiliyanov's) blog.
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No worries about the Vatican-Iranian geo-religious axis. Stiliyanov's found very interesting info about the Jesuit policy of de-stabilization of the Sunni world in particular Turkey:сряда, 21 януари 2015 г.Vatican, Jesuits, Iranian Imperialism, are working together as evidenced by other irrefutable facts (see link to a post under the following reported article).
The society of Jesus and their SISI poking the islamic beast
http://jesus-partisans-balkans.blogspot.it/2015/01/the-society-of-jesus-and-their-sisi.html
In the following article there's other geo-political evidence to declare how Jesuits and Vatican are working in alliance with Iran to de-stabilize the religious balance of the entire Middle East, in the subversion and destruction of the remaining Sunni powers of the area:
Iran’s Houthi plan for Turkey
April 03, 2015, Friday
by
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
a.bozkurt@todayszaman.com
Source: http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist/abdullah-bozkurt/irans-houthi-plan-for-turkey_377079.html
Iran,
with its decades-long cultural invasion, political investment and
religious zealotry that are often disguised as trade, business and
development schemes, has successfully broadened the support among
Houthis, who are largely followers of Zaidi Shiism, a completely
distinct sect from Iran's politicized and militant Shiite ideology.
That should sound alarm bells for Turkey, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Arabs and other Muslim nations because exactly the same template targeting minority sects has been introduced by Iran to destabilize its Muslim neighbors, near or far.
Resorting to military means to crush rebellion and discontent in Yemen by a Saudi Arabia-led offensive is by no means a solution to Iran's incursion and clandestine activities, which often rely on clandestine plots rather than outright projection of military power. The foreign military advance in Yemen may spark a backlash from locals, complicate matters further and be completely counterproductive. It may very well escalate the tensions and deepen divisions in Yemen, pushing Houthis and allied tribes to the Iranian side much quicker.
Let's remember that this is not the first time the Saudis, or other Arabs for that matter, interfered in Yemen. Riyadh launched an aerial campaign in 2009 and look where we have ended up since then. It is a shame that the Gulf States and their Arab allies such as Egypt and Jordan have long ignored the fundamental Iranian threat in Yemen, which is cultural invasion and sectarian infusion. Iran took advantage of the governance issues in Yemen, exploited the rift in the leadership and tapped the resentment and grievances of the Houthis and other Yemeni tribes in order to expand the proxy network for which it had started laying building blocks decades ago.
Muslim nations which are wary of Iran stoking sectarian tensions should have engaged enthusiastically with the nations that are Iran's prime targets. They should have invested in education and economy in Yemen, while convincing the central government to address legitimate demands from local tribes and sects, so that Iran's destabilizing moves were thwarted long before they became a serious threat undermining the very social fabric of Yemen.
Instead, the Saudis tried to inject their own ultra-orthodox version of Islam in Yemen by propagating Wahhabi and Salafist extremist teachings. This has not only backfired but perhaps even aided and abetted the spread of al-Qaeda ideology in Yemen. Now, in a belated move, Arab nations felt compelled to act against the threat of an impending failed state in Yemen in a bid to stall the breakup and put the country together. Yet they use the wrong instruments. Perhaps they feel they have nothing else left in their arsenal to respond after neglecting Yemen for years and leaving the field wide open for Iran's clandestine activities and their nurturing of al-Qaeda. In short, while Yemen has been descending into chaos, Arab and Muslim nations missed all the road-markers that should have raised red flags a long time ago.
Where were the Arabs when Hezbollah flags and posters of Hassan Nasrallah were being displayed in rallies by Houthis in the north? Why did they not fulfill their responsibilities in the Horn of Africa, especially in Somalia, through which Iran has been channeling militants and arms en route to the Arabian Peninsula. Why did they not invest heavily in the critical Hadramawt Governorate in the south of Yemen while Iranian firms were busy politicizing the population in the southern separatist movement? There are certainly no quick fixes to the crisis in Yemen. A comprehensive and long-term plan is required to stabilize this country. Unfortunately, the interference in Yemen by the Saudis has done nothing but elevate the Houthi matter into a larger regional and sectarian conflict.
Partial blame also goes to Turkey's political Islamist government, which has been manipulated by pro-Iranian officials for over a decade now. Why did Turkish officials not lift a finger when the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) were setting up front companies in Turkey to create false-flag operations and generate distractions for Iran's interference in Yemen? Ankara did not even listen to its own ambassador's reports in Sana'a, warning of the worrying pattern in Yemen for years and suggesting urgent actions to stem the Iranian encroachment.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's ostensibly strong rhetoric against Iran with respect to Yemen is full of hot air and does not reflect the policy shift by the current government to contain Iran. Erdoğan was merely paying his respects to his Saudi benefactors. The leaked audio recording last year revealed how Erdoğan was sensitive to any criticism of the Saudis by his government. After talking to the alleged al-Qaeda financier Yasin al-Qadi, with whom he reportedly entered into many lucrative business dealings, Erdoğan was heard slamming his son Bilal Erdoğan about a tweet critical of Saudi Arabia that was posted on an account controlled by Bilal. He demanded the message be removed from Twitter, as it could seriously harm his ties with Saudi elites. He was angry with Bilal and said: “We are searching for the enemy outside, but the enemy is inside. Do you think these guys [the Saudis] will trust us again? Hurry up and remove the tweet.”
Therefore, Erdoğan's public position on Yemen, just like in Ukraine, particularly on the issue of the Crimean Tatars, does not go beyond paying lip service to the receptive audience. After all, it was Erdoğan who called Iran his second home in a visit to Tehran last year, despite the fact that Iran has been nothing but a backstabbing and sinister foe for Turks for centuries. If anything, the political Islamist government in today's Turkey is very much infested by Iranian intelligence and operatives with the clear blessing of the chief Islamist Erdoğan. After all, Erdoğan and his associates in the government have been profiting immensely from business deals they ventured into with the Iranians and enriched themselves from sanction-busting activities, as well as kickbacks from legitimate deals.
While Erdoğan and his brethren are busy amassing wealth, Iran has intensified intelligence activities inside Turkey to covertly stir sectarian tension in the predominantly Sunni Muslim nation among its sizable Alevi population. In fact, Iran has been playing the same dangerous game with the 12-15 million strong Alevi community in Turkey as it did with the Houthis in Yemen. Just like Houthis, Alevis also represent an Islamic faith that is completely different from Iran's militant Shiite ideology. They are mostly liberal and secular Turks who are traditionally aligned with center-left parties. Therefore, they are staunchly opposed to Iran's mullah regime. Yet, that did not prevent Iran from making inroads into the Alevi community in the last decade with all kinds of nefarious activities.
The head of the Turkmen Alevi Bektaşi Association, Özdemir Özdemir, warned in 2013 that more than 700 Alevi dedes, or spiritual leaders, have had meetings with Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei over the past three years. The meetings were arranged by four organizations that represent themselves as legitimate Alevi associations in the cities of İstanbul, Ankara and İzmir. He said that Iran has been campaigning to foment conflict between Alevis and Sunnis in Turkey for years. Instead of preventing Iran from playing with Alevis in Turkey, the political Islamist government with a heavy dose of pro-Iranian influence facilitated Iran's overtures.
The major favor Islamists did to Iran in apparent cooperation with pro-Iranian Turkish officials was to hush up the comprehensive three-year investigation into the Iran-backed deadly Tawhid-Salam terror investigation, which lifted the curtain on Iran's clandestine activities in Turkey. The probe revealed in detail how Iran has been trying to Shiitize Alevis in order to gain a foothold in this community. The investigation identified Ali Kiasat Far, a diplomat at the Iranian Consulate in İstanbul and one of the ringleaders in the Tawhid-Salam organization, as the point man tasked by the Revolutionary Guards to work on the Alevi file in Turkey.
In court-authorized wiretaps, Kiasat Far reveals in his phone conversation with another suspect named Hasan Kanaatlı, the head of the Association of Ehl-i Beyt Scholars, that he reports directly to the minister back in Iran on this matter. In one recording, he assures his contact that the report he obtained on Alevis will be conveyed directly to the religious leader Khamenei. Iranian spy Kiasat Far describes his country's interest in Alevis as “our great Alevi project" and says very much money has been assigned by Iran for this project. He led efforts to establish front companies, including a TV network, in Alevi neighborhoods to finance their operations. Not only were Alevi dedes taken on tours to Iran with the cooperation of Iran-controlled Alevis associations, so were the youth from Alevi communities.
Iranian operative Kiasat Far also financed the anti-government protest organized by Kanaatlı and other participants on Sept. 8, 2013, which criticized the government's Syrian policy. In phone records, Kiasat Far is heard advising Kanaatlı to organize a large rally with the participation of thousands of people, and urging him to work with Turkey's ultranationalist Land Party (VP), which was then known as the Labor Party (İP), and the religiously oriented Felicity Party. He tells Kanaatlı not to worry about the money issues at all, including the leasing of buses to transport protesters, and the cost of anti-US and anti-Israel placards.
Against the background of the latest attacks by ultra-leftist Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) militants in Turkey that claimed the life of a public prosecutor ostensibly over a slain Alevi teenager, the political Islamist government has deliberately stoked Alevi-Sunni tensions in society as part of its election strategy. The ruling party wants to mobilize and consolidate the Sunni base ahead of the elections and keep marginalizing and stigmatizing Alevis, whose long-running legitimate and democratic demands have not been fulfilled. Iranians must be quite happy to see that President Erdoğan and his allies in the Islamist government are doing a great favor to the mullahs' "great Alevi project.”
If Iran somehow manages to succeed in the Alevi project with the help of Islamists and pro-Iranians who control the levers of government, what happened in Syria and Yemen is bound to happen in Turkey as well. That is a more fundamental and direct national security threat to Turkey than a nuclear-armed Iran."
That should sound alarm bells for Turkey, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Arabs and other Muslim nations because exactly the same template targeting minority sects has been introduced by Iran to destabilize its Muslim neighbors, near or far.
Resorting to military means to crush rebellion and discontent in Yemen by a Saudi Arabia-led offensive is by no means a solution to Iran's incursion and clandestine activities, which often rely on clandestine plots rather than outright projection of military power. The foreign military advance in Yemen may spark a backlash from locals, complicate matters further and be completely counterproductive. It may very well escalate the tensions and deepen divisions in Yemen, pushing Houthis and allied tribes to the Iranian side much quicker.
Let's remember that this is not the first time the Saudis, or other Arabs for that matter, interfered in Yemen. Riyadh launched an aerial campaign in 2009 and look where we have ended up since then. It is a shame that the Gulf States and their Arab allies such as Egypt and Jordan have long ignored the fundamental Iranian threat in Yemen, which is cultural invasion and sectarian infusion. Iran took advantage of the governance issues in Yemen, exploited the rift in the leadership and tapped the resentment and grievances of the Houthis and other Yemeni tribes in order to expand the proxy network for which it had started laying building blocks decades ago.
Muslim nations which are wary of Iran stoking sectarian tensions should have engaged enthusiastically with the nations that are Iran's prime targets. They should have invested in education and economy in Yemen, while convincing the central government to address legitimate demands from local tribes and sects, so that Iran's destabilizing moves were thwarted long before they became a serious threat undermining the very social fabric of Yemen.
Instead, the Saudis tried to inject their own ultra-orthodox version of Islam in Yemen by propagating Wahhabi and Salafist extremist teachings. This has not only backfired but perhaps even aided and abetted the spread of al-Qaeda ideology in Yemen. Now, in a belated move, Arab nations felt compelled to act against the threat of an impending failed state in Yemen in a bid to stall the breakup and put the country together. Yet they use the wrong instruments. Perhaps they feel they have nothing else left in their arsenal to respond after neglecting Yemen for years and leaving the field wide open for Iran's clandestine activities and their nurturing of al-Qaeda. In short, while Yemen has been descending into chaos, Arab and Muslim nations missed all the road-markers that should have raised red flags a long time ago.
Where were the Arabs when Hezbollah flags and posters of Hassan Nasrallah were being displayed in rallies by Houthis in the north? Why did they not fulfill their responsibilities in the Horn of Africa, especially in Somalia, through which Iran has been channeling militants and arms en route to the Arabian Peninsula. Why did they not invest heavily in the critical Hadramawt Governorate in the south of Yemen while Iranian firms were busy politicizing the population in the southern separatist movement? There are certainly no quick fixes to the crisis in Yemen. A comprehensive and long-term plan is required to stabilize this country. Unfortunately, the interference in Yemen by the Saudis has done nothing but elevate the Houthi matter into a larger regional and sectarian conflict.
Partial blame also goes to Turkey's political Islamist government, which has been manipulated by pro-Iranian officials for over a decade now. Why did Turkish officials not lift a finger when the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) were setting up front companies in Turkey to create false-flag operations and generate distractions for Iran's interference in Yemen? Ankara did not even listen to its own ambassador's reports in Sana'a, warning of the worrying pattern in Yemen for years and suggesting urgent actions to stem the Iranian encroachment.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's ostensibly strong rhetoric against Iran with respect to Yemen is full of hot air and does not reflect the policy shift by the current government to contain Iran. Erdoğan was merely paying his respects to his Saudi benefactors. The leaked audio recording last year revealed how Erdoğan was sensitive to any criticism of the Saudis by his government. After talking to the alleged al-Qaeda financier Yasin al-Qadi, with whom he reportedly entered into many lucrative business dealings, Erdoğan was heard slamming his son Bilal Erdoğan about a tweet critical of Saudi Arabia that was posted on an account controlled by Bilal. He demanded the message be removed from Twitter, as it could seriously harm his ties with Saudi elites. He was angry with Bilal and said: “We are searching for the enemy outside, but the enemy is inside. Do you think these guys [the Saudis] will trust us again? Hurry up and remove the tweet.”
Therefore, Erdoğan's public position on Yemen, just like in Ukraine, particularly on the issue of the Crimean Tatars, does not go beyond paying lip service to the receptive audience. After all, it was Erdoğan who called Iran his second home in a visit to Tehran last year, despite the fact that Iran has been nothing but a backstabbing and sinister foe for Turks for centuries. If anything, the political Islamist government in today's Turkey is very much infested by Iranian intelligence and operatives with the clear blessing of the chief Islamist Erdoğan. After all, Erdoğan and his associates in the government have been profiting immensely from business deals they ventured into with the Iranians and enriched themselves from sanction-busting activities, as well as kickbacks from legitimate deals.
While Erdoğan and his brethren are busy amassing wealth, Iran has intensified intelligence activities inside Turkey to covertly stir sectarian tension in the predominantly Sunni Muslim nation among its sizable Alevi population. In fact, Iran has been playing the same dangerous game with the 12-15 million strong Alevi community in Turkey as it did with the Houthis in Yemen. Just like Houthis, Alevis also represent an Islamic faith that is completely different from Iran's militant Shiite ideology. They are mostly liberal and secular Turks who are traditionally aligned with center-left parties. Therefore, they are staunchly opposed to Iran's mullah regime. Yet, that did not prevent Iran from making inroads into the Alevi community in the last decade with all kinds of nefarious activities.
The head of the Turkmen Alevi Bektaşi Association, Özdemir Özdemir, warned in 2013 that more than 700 Alevi dedes, or spiritual leaders, have had meetings with Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei over the past three years. The meetings were arranged by four organizations that represent themselves as legitimate Alevi associations in the cities of İstanbul, Ankara and İzmir. He said that Iran has been campaigning to foment conflict between Alevis and Sunnis in Turkey for years. Instead of preventing Iran from playing with Alevis in Turkey, the political Islamist government with a heavy dose of pro-Iranian influence facilitated Iran's overtures.
The major favor Islamists did to Iran in apparent cooperation with pro-Iranian Turkish officials was to hush up the comprehensive three-year investigation into the Iran-backed deadly Tawhid-Salam terror investigation, which lifted the curtain on Iran's clandestine activities in Turkey. The probe revealed in detail how Iran has been trying to Shiitize Alevis in order to gain a foothold in this community. The investigation identified Ali Kiasat Far, a diplomat at the Iranian Consulate in İstanbul and one of the ringleaders in the Tawhid-Salam organization, as the point man tasked by the Revolutionary Guards to work on the Alevi file in Turkey.
In court-authorized wiretaps, Kiasat Far reveals in his phone conversation with another suspect named Hasan Kanaatlı, the head of the Association of Ehl-i Beyt Scholars, that he reports directly to the minister back in Iran on this matter. In one recording, he assures his contact that the report he obtained on Alevis will be conveyed directly to the religious leader Khamenei. Iranian spy Kiasat Far describes his country's interest in Alevis as “our great Alevi project" and says very much money has been assigned by Iran for this project. He led efforts to establish front companies, including a TV network, in Alevi neighborhoods to finance their operations. Not only were Alevi dedes taken on tours to Iran with the cooperation of Iran-controlled Alevis associations, so were the youth from Alevi communities.
Iranian operative Kiasat Far also financed the anti-government protest organized by Kanaatlı and other participants on Sept. 8, 2013, which criticized the government's Syrian policy. In phone records, Kiasat Far is heard advising Kanaatlı to organize a large rally with the participation of thousands of people, and urging him to work with Turkey's ultranationalist Land Party (VP), which was then known as the Labor Party (İP), and the religiously oriented Felicity Party. He tells Kanaatlı not to worry about the money issues at all, including the leasing of buses to transport protesters, and the cost of anti-US and anti-Israel placards.
Against the background of the latest attacks by ultra-leftist Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) militants in Turkey that claimed the life of a public prosecutor ostensibly over a slain Alevi teenager, the political Islamist government has deliberately stoked Alevi-Sunni tensions in society as part of its election strategy. The ruling party wants to mobilize and consolidate the Sunni base ahead of the elections and keep marginalizing and stigmatizing Alevis, whose long-running legitimate and democratic demands have not been fulfilled. Iranians must be quite happy to see that President Erdoğan and his allies in the Islamist government are doing a great favor to the mullahs' "great Alevi project.”
If Iran somehow manages to succeed in the Alevi project with the help of Islamists and pro-Iranians who control the levers of government, what happened in Syria and Yemen is bound to happen in Turkey as well. That is a more fundamental and direct national security threat to Turkey than a nuclear-armed Iran."
[End of article]
My note: so last year, when there was the maximum of the Ukrainian crisis, Erdogan had to meet the Albanian government, but an accident in a Turkish mine killing 200 miners, cancelled the diplomatic trip. I would guess now if this was or not a political sabotage for the benefit of the Putin's and Iran's agenda.....
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Monday, April 6, 2015
Vatican-Iranian Provokatsiya - Spotted In Africa
http://control-avles-blogs.blogspot.it/2015/04/catholic-provokatsiya-spotted-in-africa.html
Sunday, April 19, 2015
"a positive force for justice and peace" [Ahmadinejad, 2008]
http://control-avles-blogs.blogspot.it/2015/04/a-positive-force-for-justice-and-peace.html
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxEDITED20APRIL2015
Many thanks to C. Stiliyanov who gave me the key to understand a strange movement of views of my blog in the recent days:
Above image - 1039 views - case closed. Notice how my blog increased about of the double the views, the same day of the upgrade and after the publishing of the post "Vengeance is Mine". Notice how the views increased to well four time the usual number, other days after. Notice in the Shoebat's post a reference to the traitor Vaudois Reinero Saccho, contained in the excellent study linked to my blog, the site "Waldenses were Independent Baptists". This the evidence of the obsession of doc Joseph Shoebbels for my (and C. Stiliyanov's) blog, an obsession which is only the reflex of the Jesuits' insatiable thirsty of murder of the churches of Christ.Even more interestingly, the increase of four time the usual number of views, on 15th April, was following the day 14th April where C. Stiliyanov gave an heavy hit to the Catholic Nazi-slandering of the churches of Christ as "Manicheans", "Gnostics", with this post:
вторник, 14 април (14 April) 2015 г.
"sola fide" ca 950
http://jesus-partisans-balkans.blogspot.it/2015/04/sola-fide.html
Jesuits are really disturbed by the ghosts of those million of assassinated Christians, the GREATEST HOLOCAUST IN HISTORY, A CATHOLIC HOLOCAUST OF CHRISTIANS.
URL of Shoebat's post:
http://shoebat.com/2015/04/20/whoever-hates-the-cross-of-christ-hates-justice/
See also the following comments below this post.
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guess what .. more paulican bashing
http://shoebat.com/2015/04/20/whoever-hates-the-cross-of-christ-hates-justice/